In the middle of the 19th century, 80% of positions in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were occupied by Germans. Although minor positions are also included, there were also big players among the people from the German lands – down to the heads of the Foreign Ministry.
Andrey Osterman
Public domain
Westphalian Heinrich Johann Friedrich Ostermann began his career in the diplomatic field as a simple clerk – versed in Latin, German, French, Dutch, Italian and Russian, he engaged in conducting foreign correspondence and translation. Osterman’s first serious assignment was to inform the Polish king of the capture of Riga in the course of the Russo-Swedish War. After this assignment, trips to Prussia and Denmark followed: these countries had to be persuaded to join the conflict more actively.
Further, the German ran errands in a range of European states and participated in several peace treaty signings – in particular with Turkey and Sweden. The latter spanned long years. In 1718-1719, the Aland Congress took place, during which Osterman officially became the second and, later, the first face of the Russian delegation, skillfully establishing contacts with the Swedish side during informal meetings. In 1721, the Nystad Congress ended the war, where Osterman managed to secure more beneficial peace terms for Russia – for example, the city of Vyborg would remain a part of the Russian Empire.
But, the Westphalian truly flourished during the times of palace coups, surviving four changes of power (five, if we count not just the throne being transferred from one monarch to another, but also the change of regents). For a long while, Osterman practically headed the foreign policy of the country, from 1734 to 1740 – as the head of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs. He became the author of the alliance with Austria, which determined the direction of Russian foreign policy for many years to come and also signed the Treaty of Belgrade with Turkey. At the same time, Osterman maintained alliances with other European states – Prussia, England and Denmark.
It’s notable that, in the future, Osterman’s son, Ivan Andreevich, also headed Russian foreign policy (under Catherine the Great). However, his 16-year-long leadership wasn’t as successful: Osterman junior, according to contemporaries, performed more of a decorative function, having no real sway over foreign relations.
Karl Nesselrode
Yegor Botman/The Hermitage
Many contemporaries spoke of Nesselrode with apparent hostility, accusing him of a lack of patriotic feelings towards Russia, dullness and other shortcomings. In time, this point of view also captured the science of history. Today, however, we hear calls for revision of this opinion towards him. Some researchers point to the former lack of attention towards positive feedback about Nesselrode and also to the fact that, in his letters, for example, the politician always expressed quite warm feelings towards his country.
Before heading the foreign policy of the empire, Nesselrode actively performed diplomatic functions under Alexander I (and, after his death, under his brother, Nicholas I) during the War of the Fourth Coalition 1806-1807 and Russian campaigns abroad in 1813-1814. The very idea to begin such campaigns before the end of the war with Napoleon and the liberation of Western Europe belonged to Nesselrode. His signature is featured on many agreements of the time, associated with the struggle of the European states against France, as well as on the Treaty of Paris. Aside from that, the German took part in the Congress of Vienna in 1814-1815 and in all the congresses of the Holy Alliance.
In 1816, Nesselrode took control of the Collegium of Foreign Affairs. Along with him, to create balance between different political positions, another politician had control over foreign relations – Ioannis Kapodistrias, the future first president of Greece. However, it was Nesselrode who, winning the favor of the emperor, remained the only head of the Collegium. His record – 40 years in that position – has not yet been beaten by any Minister of Foreign Affairs.
In politics, Nesselrode adhered to a pro-Austrian course: close relations with Austrian chancellor Metternich played a significant role in it. Also, being a conservative, Nesselrode advocated the struggle against revolutionary tendencies in European countries. His main mistake was his incorrect judgment of the state of foreign relations before another war with Turkey – the Russian defeat in this conflict ended the career of the German.
Vladimir Lamsdorf
Ilya Repin/State Russian Museum
The figure of Lamsdorf is also getting reevaluated with time, who was the Minister of Foreign Affairs under Nicholas II from 1901 to 1906 (a relatively standard term for the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 20th century). Back under his mentor, Nikolay Girs, Lamsdorf had full access to all information about the foreign policy of the country – even classified information. For his vast knowledge, he was even dubbed a “walking archive” of the ministry.
In politics, according to contemporaries, the German “preferred sincerity and openness to Machiavellianism”. His close friend, Russian Minister of Finances Sergei Witte, noted the same qualities in his colleague: “The Count was the most noble and, in all respects, a decent man. Smart, infinitely industrious… he knew his craft very well. He wasn’t a soaring eagle, but he was a good person. He enjoyed the respect of all diplomats, for if he said something, it was the truth.”
In relations with Europe, Lamsdorf adhered to the principle of equilibrium, trying to balance between Germany, France and England. In the Far East, which at this time became one of the regions of particular attention, he also advocated a moderate policy, which went against the views of the emperor himself – in the end, Lamsdorf’s influence in this region was limited. His warnings about the riskiness of the course taken by Nicholas II were considered too late; at that point, the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) was already inevitable. All that was left for Lamsdorf was to establish the work of the Foreign Ministry in the new circumstances and later smooth out the effects of the defeat.
The German also was actively engaged in the Balkan question, restoring the influence of Russia in the region and overcoming several dangerous local crises that could grow into a war. However, Lamsdorf’s policy in the Balkan region and in the Near East, allegedly too passive, and Russia’s defeat in the Russo-Japanese war itself, that the German had tried to avoid, were the sources of criticism of the minister in the Russian media. As a result of the struggle for power in the highest circles, Lamsdorf resigned some time after the resignation of his ally, Witte.
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